Marketing the iPhone Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Marketing the iPhone - Essay Example Product, price, place and promotion formed the marketing mix. While each component had its role in forming the marketing strategy, promotion essentially meant reaching out to the customer through advertising and media campaigns. The marketing campaign is in fact considered successful, if the company is able to create a genuine buzz around its product/s and able to raise the curiosity levels of the prospective customers. In today's world 'promotion' field has been further widened by renaming it as marketing communication. Such a communication now forms a crucial part of the managerial activities. Creating a buzz becomes all the more crucial if the company is coming out with a product for the first time, which is outside its core business. A renowned company known for its computer brands would certainly make sure that it doesn't end up with a deep dent in its reputation and huge financial losses after entering into a product category, where cut-throat competition keeps the reputed bran ds always on their toes. It is under these circumstances that Apple Inc. decided to create the buzz around the iPhone. It certainly goes to the credit of Apple Inc that it not only created a decent buzz around iPhone, but it also retained the faith of its millions of customers. It is worthwhile here to mention that the marketing communication strategy adopted by Apple Inc was unique in many ways. While on the surface it appeared to be a low key, the blogger community, the media, the corporate circles, the office going community, the college going students etc. kept debating and discussing 'what the iPhone could be like' While on the one hand Apple Inc. did not spend too much on its advertising campaigns, the company was also able to put on display a mature appearance. Apple, having entered in the mobile field in collaboration with Motorola, in the recent past had some experience of the stiff competition in the mobile world. With brand names like Nokia, Ericson, Motorola etc. tracking the moves of new entrants, Apple Inc. was bound to think about a campaign which goes well beyond the launch of just another phone from existing mobile phone makers. At the same time, managers at Apple were equally concerned about any loose ends, which might adversely impact its reputation and other established brands. Apple wanted to make sure that while the campaign doesn't look like too glittery and gaudy, yet the message reaches out to the common man. In addition, company also realized that people may not be ready to go for 'just another phone', because with the advent of powerful technologies like Wimax31 and HSOPA32 (High Speed OFDM Packet Access), the mobile phone is no more being used as a phone, instead it has become an important tool for entertainment and mob ile computing in this convergence era. Therefore, Apple Inc. was bound to pack the iPhone with a host of feature, including some of the features of its own stronghold gadget iPod. Prior to the official launch of the iPhone, Apple came out with a teaser ad campaign that did not even mention the brand name. This ad campaign called 'Hello' was started during the Academy Awards. And the long queues before the iPhone stores, use of terms like 'Jesus Phone' for the iPhone are a testimony of the successful buzz around the launch. Advantages of such a strategy are; i. The company, while able to raise the curiosity levels around

Changes to the law on Squatting Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Changes to the law on Squatting - Essay Example A study established that there are approximately one billion squatters around the world, and also noted that squatting has not been sufficiently debated on academic or policy grounds. Section 144 of the Legal Aid Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act, 2012 (S144 LASPO 2012), of the United Kingdom (UK), made significant changes to the law that criminalize squatting under some circumstances, including the intention to stay there. This paper will give a background of the law on squatting in the UK, explaining why it has been contentious and further analyze the changes that came into force on September 1st 2012, and consider their wider implications. Squatting in England can be traced back to 1381, where it was one of the major factors that led to the Peasants’ Revolt, and the 17th century when it was associated with the Diggers (Waterhouse 2005). They claimed ownership of common and waste land and cultivated it. It was the initial land tenure system that the peasants knew. W ith the passage of time, the development of agriculture and settlement necessitated land ownership and, hence, boundaries. In Wales, a tax policy as well as a population expansion in the 17th century forced a part of the population to move into the countryside. There, they squatted and built their own property on common land under fictional traditional assumptions, resulting in the development of small housing units. ... ributed to the large numbers of failing businesses in urban centers, which propelled squatting in Cardiff and Swansea, and was supported by statistics from the Advisory Service for Squatters (ASS) that squatting in Wales and England had doubled since 1995. In England, after World War I, many homeless people took up squatting as a necessity, but the post-World War II era gave rise to a bigger wave of squatting, which carried on into the 1960s’ wave of housing crisis. In 1946, servicemen returning from the war and their families were installed in empty properties by Harry Cowley, together with the Vigilantes (Roberts 2006). This was in retaliation to the severe housing shortage. Later in the 1960s, the Family Squatting Movement was developed. It aimed at mobilising people to seize control of empty and unused property and turn them into housing facilities for the homeless families that were on the waiting list of the Council Housing. Studies have suggested that it was common to r espond to homelessness by squatting, with at least 40 percent of the homeless opting to squat. More recently in the early 1970s, a conflict grew between the initial Family Squatting Movement activists and a newer group of squatters who were simply opposed to the landlords’ right to demand rent. They claimed the seizing of property and staying without rent was their right and a revolutionary political action (Reeve 2011). They were actually young and single anarchists, not truly homeless families, strongly against the idea of seeking agreement with local councils on the use of idle property. In 1977, the Protection from Eviction Act and the Criminal Law Act were introduced, and amended in 1994 after media campaigns that claimed homes were squatted when the owners were away, tightening the law

Downsizing Definition Essay Example for Free

Downsizing Definition Essay Downsizing occurs when a company permanently reduces its workforce. Corporate downsizing is often the result of poor economic conditions or the company’s need to cut jobs in order to lower costs or maintain profitability. Downsizing may occur when one company merges with another, a product or service is cut, or the economy falters. Downsizing also occurs when employers want to â€Å"streamline† a company – this refers to corporate restructuring in order to increase profit and maximize efficiency. Downsizing results in layoffs that are often followed by other restructuring changes, such as branch closings, departmental consolidation, and other forms of cutting pay expenses. In some cases, employers are not fired, but instead become part-time or temporary workers to trim costs. In a business enterprise, downsizing is reducing the number of employees on the operating payroll. Some users distinguish downsizing from a layoff, with downsizing intended to be a permanent downscaling and a layoff intended to be a temporary downscaling in which employees may later be rehired. Businesses use several techniques in downsizing, including providing incentives to take early retirement and transfer to subsidiary companies, but the most common technique is to simply terminate the employment of a certain number of people. Recentll, countrys largest cell phone company Grameenphone, has embarked on major operational cost-cutting measures that include the downsizing of its manpower in some specific sections of the company. GrameenPhone is the largest mobile phone company in Bangladesh. In the midst of lack of communication means, GrameenPhone has introduced an effective and user-friendly mobile phone network. It has put a positive impact on the lifestyle of the people of Bangladesh.It is one of the largest cellular operator in the country. It is a joint venture enterprise between Telenor and Grameen Telecom Corporation. Telenor is the largest telecommunications company in Norway, owns 51% shares of Grameenphone. It is amongst the oldest, most sophisticated, and diversified telecom companies in the world. Grameen Telecom itself owns 35% shares, 9.5% shares are held by Marubeni Corporation in japan and the remaining 4.5% shares are held by Gonofone Development Corp in New York. In addition, three leading international financial institutions the International Finance Corporation, Asian Development Bank and the Commonwealth Development Corporation are also shareholders of GrameenPhone. The three organizations each hold three per cent of preferred shares of GrameenPhone. It was the first company to introduce GSM technology in Bangladesh. It also established the first 24-hour Call Center to support its subscribers. With the slogan Stay Close, stated goal of Grameenphone is to provide affordable telephony to the entire population of Bangladesh. At present around 4800 employees, both permanent and contractual, are working in different sections of the GP. But the sudden decision to downsize its manpower has created panic among most employees of the company that saw substantial rise in its annual profit-earning in recent years. The victims of the latest cost cutting measures are in most cases permanent employees who worked in the sales and services departments. The company has abolished its logistics services in all regional offices and in the case of sales it has reduced the number of posts and declared the remaining post vacant. Interestingly, it has asked all the sales staff either to compete a fresh for the vacant posts or take an attractive exit package. Management is saying it is a part of the business alignment process, Through a so called performance evaluation process the company is conducting termination of permanent employee who were meant to be loyal and efficient. Even in many cases employees are being forcefully asked to leave the organization. some of the employees have complained that Grameenphone’s management has threatened them to submit their resignation letter otherwise they will be mentally humiliated as well as downsized at work. From employee source it is found that in many cases the company is violating the Bangladesh Labor Act 2006 but the government or the labor law enforcement bureau is not taking any actio n. The statistic shows that last year the company profit incensement was almost 205% and the employee of the company was suppose to get a potation of the profit as per the company policy. But it never happened. As Grameenphone’s profit already is in increase as per last year’s report than the company should provide a valid reason of termination of such a large number of employment within a short time. Recently the management have introduces a new system of re-interview within the company to ensure the existing position of the individuals. Management has claimed this process as a part of performance evaluation tool which has made the employee to raise their voice against this injustice. By using such words like ‘Business Alignment’ and ‘Change in structure’ actually the company is terminating the employment of permanent employee who has given his 8 hours of every single day with loyalty to built this organization to this height. Even in some cases the company had forced some of the female employee to attend the interviews during their maternity leave and terminated their employment contract as claiming the employee is less productive for the company which is a direct violation of Bangladesh labor Act 2006. Employees have claimed that the management is not providing any written announcement or instruction but verbally they are asking to leave the organization through phone calls and general meeting. This year the government has announced 11% inflation rate but Grameenphone being a multination company has provided only 0%-5% incensement to it’s employees though it’s quarterly report shows almost 81% increase op profit with is this year. Back in 2009 Almost 1500 permanent employees are asked to leave the organization without any valid reasons but based on performance evaluation process. So how come the number of termination became so high based on performance evaluation process after a certain period of time every year? And how downsizing a large number of senior employees into junior position became ethical practice or business alignment process? As a Norwegian company people had a better expectation from Grameenphone but now it seems to be the reason behind of distraction of hundreds of employee’s career.

Constructivism in International Relations

Constructivism in International Relations Explain and discuss how constructivism in IR attempts to re-shape discourses on security away from materialistic conceptions of power politics and towards a conception that takes account of power of ideas. Since the end of the Cold War, security studies in international relations have witnessed an overwhelming emergence of new academic literature reflecting the changes in international political environment. Concept of global security has evolved throughout the history going back as far as ancient Greece but arguably never been challenged and re-structured to the extent that it was in post Cold War era. Critical theories in general and constructivism specifically added a new dimension to the international relations studies with focusing on influence of social elements such as norms and ideas and rejected the notions of purely materialistic approach to world politics and security.  [1]  Collapse of the Soviet Union, following the suspension of the activities of the Communist Party by Supreme Soviet, the parliament of the U.S.S.R on August 29 1991, validated and renewed the International relations scholars concerns about the methodology of the international relations study and the ex tent in which it had played a role in the production of international powers.  [2]   The aim of this essay is to identify and discuss how constructivism influenced the concept of security in international relations with emphasising on the role of social elements and the extent in which constructivism has criticised the materialistic approach. In doing so this paper explores the structure of global security from the standpoint of constructivism and its core elements regarding the power of idea in response to the materialistic view of power politics. Furthermore, it will analyse the constructivist response and effort to alter the discourses of security in international politics theory by studying the process of social interaction in forming identity and role of norms and ideas in global security. Finally, concepts of Human Security and Collective Security will be looked at from both viewpoints. The end of the Cold War came as a surprise to the classical dominant scholars, who failed to predict or explain the changes in global politics, whilst simultaneously providing the opportunity for further development of critical thoughts, which were around since the mid 1980s. Realist theory and positivist methodology in international relations were criticised for their materialistic approaches by constructivism, which quickly flourished and was recognised as a theory that emphasised on the social dimension of international politics. This advance towards the possibility of change equipped the theory to capture important features of the worlds relations  [3]  .Among the many aspects of mainstream presumptions and beliefs in world politics, which were challenged by constructivism, was the pessimistic view towards peace and over-deterministic nature of these theories about the conflict, threat and the world security. Constructivism challenged the theory of power politics, dominant pe rception of the threat and struggle in global politics and took a completely different approach in studying the transformation of the security dilemma by focusing on subjects such as evaluation of security factors, construction of the threat, and appropriate responses.  [4]   Constructivisms approach to the subjects of threat, conflict and security in global politics originated from their fundamental emphasis on the social dimensions of international politics, thus it defined them as socially constructed elements in the process of identity formation under the influence of the norms and shared values of society. Over the years and especially after the Cold War, constructivism positioned itself as a major critique of the dominant theories in international politics by addressing issues such as balance of power, democratic peace and the re-introduction of the phenomena of collective security, security community, human security, human rights and many other social elements to the field of security studies of international politics. One could argue that most of the constructivists work was formed around their aim in explaining the changes in world politics in the period towards the end, and after the Cold War when dominant international relations theories failed to predict the sudden change in the global politics and old security regime. These changes to the international political environment, which occurred in the 1980s, raised questions about social construction and the methodology of international relations theories and their involvement and effects in the production of international power. The term constructivism was introduced by Nicholas Onuf in 1989 and identified simply as people and societies construct or constitute each other.  [5]  According to Wendt, constructivism assumes that the fundamental structures of international politics are social and these structures shape actors identities and interests.  [6]  World in constructivists term is constituted by both knowledge and material factors and moreover as a social theory, it is concerned with the relationship between agents and structures. Furthermore, all constructivists share a common concern when explaining how international structures are defined by ideas and how identities and interests of the states and non-state players are shaped by the structures.  [7]  It is at this juncture when a comparison is needed to understand the differences between mainstream international relations theories and constructivism in security studies. As a result, it is crucial to see global security from realisms point of view to fully understand the role of the elements such as threat, response and survival in constructing the realists approach to the security dilemma. Likewise, it is necessary to analyse constructivisms view of ideas and knowledge and to study the relationship between structure and agency as well as the construction and identification of threat. Security studies is a multidimensional subject in the field of international relations and has changed and evolved throughout history. This evolution was impacted, probably more than any other subject in international relations, by recent technological advancements and historical events. However, as far as history goes the core concern of security studies has centred on the states strategy to defend and protect its borders against external threats. Attempts to understand security and provide an answer to security dilemmas can be traced back to Greece in fifth century BC when Thucydides theorised the violence and war and describe the security dilemma based on Peloponnesian war. Many centuries later Carl Von Clausewitz and Thomas Hobbs devoted much of their time and work to define these contemporary security dilemmas. By following the work of these scholars we reach the conclusion that despite the differences in language, economical development, social and political intuitions, religio us and cultural beliefs, states faced almost identical threats and suffered from the same security dilemmas throughout history. Here a comparison is needed to understand the differences between mainstream international relations theories and constructivism in security studies. It is crucial to see the global security issue from realisms point of view to fully understand the role of the elements such as threat, response and survival in constructing the realists approach to security dilemma. Similarly, it is necessary to analyse constructivisms analysis of idea and knowledge in order to study the relationship between structure and agency as well as construction and identification of threat. In recent decades critical schools and other theories of international relations have challenged the traditional materialistic approach to security study, which focused on politics and power. Among them constructivism played an important role in developing an ideational approach that emphasised the effect and role of norms and ideas in global security.  [8]  Norms are produced through social practice as intersubjective beliefs about social and the natural world that defines the identity of the players, their roles and the possibilities of their actions.  [9]  Thus actors and their meaningful actions are constituted by the norms on the basis of their social roles and environments. These norms could also balance the actors behaviour by defining the appropriateness and effectiveness of their action.  [10]   Constructivisms approach differs with regard to the actors and social structures of the international politics in comparison with the rationalists view. The political environment in the Realists and Neo-liberalists view is comprised of rational actors, whose actions are self-interested in order to maximise their ultimate goal of survival and relationship between these actors, and is structured by the balance of material power.  [11]  In contrast, constructivism focuses on the actors and structures in a dynamic context, where actors are influenced by the environment and social elements and structures and are produced and reproduced by the actors.  [12]  On the other hand, in the constructivists view idea plays an important role in forming the actors and their actions.  [13]  This means that when ideas become norms, they can constrain the actors behaviour and reactions but at the same time they constitute actors and legitimise their action by opening the space for them to a ct and influence the social structure.  [14]   In essence, constructivism criticises the rationalist approach of ignoring the role of social factors in interaction between players in International relations. The constructivists critique of neo-realists and neo-liberalists concerns not what these scholars do and say but what they ignore: the content and source of state interests and social fabric of world politics.  [15]  According to Paul Kowert, rationalist theories explain how states should choose or how they should bargain. They offer answers to some important questions about when states should cooperate and when they might be expected to fight. Yet they say nothing about who the actors are or how their interests were constituted.  [16]   Constructivism believes in the dynamic nature of international politics and promotes the vision of change. In doing so it criticises the rationalist view of static material and considers the system of self- help, power politics and threat as socially constructed elements of international politics. Alexander Wendt notes, that self-help is an institution, one of the various structures of identity and interest that may exist under anarchy.  [17]  In examining the subject of security in international politics, constructivism concludes that threats are constructed in the process of social interaction in the process of formation of identity and interests. In such an environment therefore, norms and shared values play a role in improving the cooperation between actors by forming the economical and political structures that promote peace between the actors in international politics.  [18]   The constructivist account of identity formation in the process of social interaction in security studies attempts to answer the important question of how threats are formed and how international actors act against this threat. Both traditional and defensive realists share the view that threatening forces are formed around the phenomena of the balance of power, and states reactions are determined and guided by the state-centric system of self-interest and the anarchic nature of international politics. However, they engage in a different view when defining the kind of reaction states portray, as traditional realists believe that states balance their power against threatening forces whilst the defensive realists maintain the view that states form allies to increase their capability and security against the common threat. In contrast to this opinion, constructivists developed the idea of legitimacy and demonstrate that states reactions to threatening forces are influenced by social elem ents such as norms and shared values in the process of interaction, and are directed by the logic of appropriateness. In other word, norms and shared values define the legitimacy and appropriateness of states actions, as opposed to the traditional view of logic of consequence. Another aspect of global security is the phenomenon of security dilemma, which can be defined as a states uncertainty in evaluating and assessing the intentions of others. Hopf argues that while the security dilemma is an important factor to understand the conflictual relationship between the states, it may not be relevant to many others which face less or no conflict and have many common interests.  [19]  The constructivists account of security dilemma is quite different to that of the realist. In constructivisms view the reality of the world, which includes the world of international relations, has been socially constructed via a complex of inter-subjective understanding . In other words, anarchy as the prime structural feature of the international sphere around which all considerations of security and insecurity revolve is not an autonomous phenomenon that generates its own inescapable logic. This also means that the security dilemma, for example, does not exist before any int eraction between states but is in fact a product of social interactions of states.  [20]  In addition, Hopf notes that norms can reduce uncertainty: by providing meaning, identities reduce uncertainty. Enabling states to recognise their enemy may not result in security, but identity can replace the uncertainty with certain insecurity.  [21]   Constructivist security theory has also addressed the absence of war between liberal democracies or namely, the concept of democratic peace. Here liberals believe that democracies do not oppose each other since norms of compromise and cooperation prevent their conflicts of interest from escalating into violent clashes.  [22]  This can be interpreted in various ways first; it could be argued that these norms are bound to competition and constituted by domestic democratic principles,  [23]  or second, that they can be seen as the product of domestic institutions and their effect on states behaviour.  [24]  One could also argue that domestic principles and practice work together and therefore are mutually constituted. In constructivist ideology, the important aspect of peace or absence of conflict among the democratic states is the role played by norms within this context. Thus without accepting or rejecting any of the above arguments it could simply be stated that democrati c peace could be made possible with the concept of norms playing an important role in preventing conflict.  [25]   Constructivist interpretation of global politics as a socially constructed structure provides the necessary means, for the theory under examination, to respond to another important subject in international security study namely that of security community. The concept of security community was introduced by Richard Van Wagenen  [26]  in the early 1950s and further developed in a study by Karl Deutsch and his associates in the same period.  [27]  Theories and ideas evolved around this concept by attempting to explain the states actions in the face of a security threat from a different perspective than the rationalist view of balance of power. One theory included the idea of formation of a security community developed around the concept of collective security with the focus on the states effort to strengthen their own security by acting together. The distinctive feature of the security community idea, which set it apart from the traditional concept of democratic peace, was in it s emphasis on the states security and not on the democratic structure of the states. Lawson commented on this approach by adding that in a constructivist approach the idea of community is not limited to democracies.  [28]   The study of collective security and the constitution of the security community aim to explain how states react when facing threat and insecurity in the international political environment. In other words, a group of states identify a common threat and form a relationship to defend themselves by acting as a unified whole. Formation of such communities, based on a collective knowledge of a common threat not only improves the security of the states against the threat, it also results in peace between the members of such a community. More succinctly, those who are acting as one against the common threat would not fight each other for the same reason. As Deutsch illustrates, the security community as a group of states come together to the degree that they feel real assurance that members of the community will not fight each other physically, but will settle their disputes in some other way.  [29]  He identifies the states sovereignty as the point of differentiation in formation of tw o types of security communities and explains that a pluralistic community forms when states retain their sovereignty, whereas in an amalgamated type states formally unify in order to form a community security. Despite the earlier references to collective security by traditional international relations theories such as liberalism, the modern concept of collective security and states acting as a community against a common threat is a relatively new idea and has only been seriously considered subsequent to the Cold War in both academic and practical senses. The fact that the Cold War almost ended without serious confrontation between the two blocks has positively changed the international political atmosphere. A move towards a more peaceful future has been attained as well as an enhancement of the influence of theories, which have emphasised the role of identity, norms and social basis of the structure of international politics. Moreover, states once again saw the opportunity for constructing a new foundation to achieve a peaceful and stable international order.  [30]  Meanwhile, the social elements of international politics have received much more attention accompanied by friendlier treatment from politicians and Deutschs original ideas of shared understanding, transnational values including the possibility of peace, which were brought back to attention again.  [31]  In his observations Adler tried to address the issue of the circumstances where states are more likely to agree on forming a security community in the face of thre at, and noted that, those who realise the devastating effects of the insecurity of war on the economical, political and social aspects of a democratic system will agree on coming together in order to defend themselves and promote peace and stability. He believed that such an agreement was founded on shared values and actors identities and notes: security communities are socially constructed because shared meaning, constituted by interaction, engenders collective identities. They are dependent on communication, discourse and interpretation, as well as on material environment.  [32]  Almost all the literatures about security community agreed on the critical and centric role of identity, and identity formation processes in the construction of the collective security and formation of a security community. Identity in this case, is the distinctive characteristic of one group against another. Unlike the mainstream theorys approach to actors identity as a static and pre-defined status of the states, constructivism defines identity as a variable factor, which changes with time and is associated with cultural, political, historical and social contexts. As stated before, the introduction of collective security and security community can be traced back to the 1950s. However, despite Van Wagenen and Deutschs efforts to develop the idea, it did not receive much attention until the end of the Cold War. It can be argued that the dominance of the realist paradigm during the Cold War in the realm of global politics on the one hand, and the hostile circumstances of bi-polar structure of global security on the other hand are to blame for the states lack of interest in any security arrangements other than one which could guaranty their survival. The United Nations failure in bringing the sovereign nations together from both sides in order to form a pluralistic security community at an international level also added to the uncertainty of the nations in considering any order other than a bi-polar system. Following the Cold War, international politics has witnessed a new wave of ideas and theories which have found a voice in an attempt to theorise the new world order in global politics. At this time it can be said that the concept of security community and collective security has benefited from the critical theories emphasis on social dimensions of international politics and their special attention to social norms, culture, identity and shared values. For many decades realism and neo-liberal institutionalism were dominant forces in global politics and security studies and consequently played a major role in defining international politics. Whilst both of these theories assume that war is inevitable and always expected, realism identifies the distribution of material power as the defining element of global politics and relationships between states following with the conclusion that, factors such as the balance of power, the role of superpowers and alliances are only the means for preve nting war and not for creating peace. Neo-liberal institutionalism shows more interest in finding the means to encourage cooperation between the states and focuses on the role of institutions in enhancing cooperation between self-interested states in order to prevent conflict. As it appears in both paradigms, war and material capability remains inevitably at the centre of these theories about war and conflict, which continues to dominate global security in both theory and practice until the end of the Cold War.  [33]   Peaceful change and the idea of achieving long term peace and global security, not on the basis of material capability and deterrence but based on the concept of identity-formation processes and the role of norms and values, became the feature of critical theories in the mid 1980s. This notion was developed further with the rise of constructivism as an international relations theory. Constructivism explained how ideas and identities are created and how norms and shared values shape the states affairs, strategies and reactions to global security. Since it is unrealistic to ignore the power of material in the backdrop of international relations and security studies, constructivism complemented the existing theories by adding the social dimension to the international relations field and emphasising the importance of collective identities and shared values in developing security in particular, and the idea of collective security in general.  [34]   Human security is a relatively new subject in international relations and has dominated an integral portion of international security studies after the Cold War. Human security in its current form is the product of the shift from state-centric views of security and power politics towards accepting the role of social elements in global security.  [35]  The phenomena of security in the area of international relations has traditionally been limited to the military defence where states compete with each other for gaining or improving their security and survival in an anarchic system with their focus on military power. In such an anarchic structure national security becomes equally as important as defending the territory against external military threat.  [36]   The more modern approach in security studies accepts the crucial role of traditional views in protecting the states but does not believe that it is sufficient to protect human welfare, whether within the states borders or internationally. Basic human needs are the focus of modern security studies in the context of human security and as such the 1994 Human Development Report of the UN Development Program stressed that: for most people today, a feeling of insecurity arises more from worries about daily life than from the dread of cataclysmic world events. Job security, income security, health, environmental security, security from crime these are emerging concerns of human security all over the world.  [37]  The changing context of state security, especially after the Cold War, opened the space for the critical ideas to challenge state-centric, power-based systems of global politics that gave priority to high politics. It has also increased the opportunity to address transnational issues around the globe such as HIV/AIDS, the control and management of weapons of mass destruction, illegal arms and rug trades and environmental and population problems.  [38]   Widening the boundaries of security studies following the introduction of social and economical elements, which were not traditionally considered as part of the field of security, was not received well by the mainstream classical theorists and attracted criticism from traditionally dominant theories in international relations. The key argument against the critical thinkers and constructivists was that security should only engage with issues centred around the use of force and threats thus, elevation of the social and economical issues to the study of security and the promotion of non-military issues to the same level of real security elements is a threat to the coherence of the subject. Therefore, the broadening of security studies was criticised by a wide range of traditional scholars. On one side of the spectrum were those who believed that only military power and threatening force were subject to the field of security studies, and on the other side were scholars who could see the need for change. Furthermore, while they endorsed the conventional view that the military is the primary factor in security studies they also accepted the fact that especially in post Cold War era there is a need for opening the international studies to non-military cases of conflicts as well.  [39]   For traditional thinkers such as Chipman, opening the concept of security to non-military issues was only acceptable if they played the role in a context of utilised force and threats between political actors. He noted: the structuring elements of strategic analysis must be the possible use of force.  [40]  The essential point in Chipmans hypotheses is that he acknowledges the role of non-military aspects of security but at the same time emphasises that the use of military force should remain at the core of strategic analysis. Despite the shift among the traditionalists of moving away from the state-centeric system towards the wider approach to security, some traditionalist thinkers never accepted the idea of social elements playing a role in security and strongly argued against it. One of the most strongest traditionalists Stephan Walt, defines security as studying the threat and use of military force and opposes the widening of security fields and the inclusion of issues outside the miliary domain into security studies. He argues that, (it) runs the risk of expanding security studies excessively; by this logic, issues such as pollution, disease, child abus

Public School Uniforms: First Step Toward Fascism? :: Argumentative Persuasive Topics

Public School Uniforms: First Step Toward Fascism? Â   If public school students had one thing over their private school counterparts it's about to change. That's right: not only are public schools notorious for large classes and limited resources but now some of them are adopting what has always been most dreaded by the youth attending private schools: school uniforms. Â   The very idea seems a bit strange. Agonizing over what to wear to school (and whose logo or face to wear across on your T-shirt) has always been a kind of right of passage for young people. Yet increasingly, that process is being limited on campus. Â   Uniforms were virtually unheard of in public schools 6 years ago. Today 11 percent of schools around the country are requiring that their students don uniforms. (According to a survey of principals conducted in May by the National Association of Elementary School Principals). Â   The reasons for uniforms are almost always the same. Uniforms will decrease crime and violence in schools while improving the behavior of students, say experts. Students less concerned about who is wearing what brand name clothing are less likely to judge their fellow students or to form cliques. Also, they say, uniforms cause school pride to increase. Students feel more united, more connected, and therefore their school becomes a safer, healthier environment; students test higher on standardized tests and their grades improve, proponents of uniforms argue. Â   One thing that does not often get mentioned by adults and experts is the fact that uniforms are now being made by huge clothing manufacturers like DKNY, Esprit, and Bugle Boy. The NPD Group, a market research company in New York, estimated that parents spent $900 million on uniforms for elementary school children in 1998. That comes out to about 7 percent of the total amount spent on children's clothing and this number has likely risen since then. The exact size of the industry has become increasingly difficult to determine as more schools have adopted uniforms that might sound like strict dress codes. Many schools require no more of students than that they wear clothes in a limited number of colors and that shirts have collars and be tucked in. There are dangerous implications to this; however, in that many students and their families are losing what rights they have as consumers. Â   These are all laudable goals but a number of questions remain unanswered.

Much Ado About Nothing Essay: The Character of Don John -- Much Ado Ab

The Character of Don John in Much Ado About Nothing  Ã‚     Ã‚   William Shakespeare's Much Ado About Nothing is a comedy in which he uses one of his more peculiar villains. The antagonist in this play is Don John, the bastard brother of Don Pedro. In this paper I will discuss the role of Don John as well as his motives and the character himself. I will also delve into Shakespeare's use of Don John as the antagonist. I will be comparing Don John to other characters in the play as well as to other villains in Shakespeare's works. While Don John does not spend a great deal of time on the stage in Much Ado About Nothing, he still plays a vital role in the plot of the play. The plan that he sets in motion is one of the two main stories within the play (the battle of wit between Beatrice and Benedict being the other). Don John, as I mentioned before, is the bastard brother of Don Pedro. His illegitimacy is one of the factors that makes him altogether vile and hateful. He is bitter because of his social standing and at the beginning of the play is directly bitter and jealous of Claudio. We might find some reasoning into why Don John hates Claudio by what he says when speaking to Barrachio and Conrade in the first act. When finding out about Don Pedro's plot to help Claudio win the hand of Hero, Don John says: "Come, come; let us thither: this may prove food to my displeasure. That young start up hath all the glory of my overthrow: if I can cross him any way, I bless myself every way." (Shakespeare 16) While Shakespeare never actually distinguishes specific motives for Don John's hatred of Claudio, we can infer one of two possibilities from his use of the word "overthrow". The overthrow he refers to could be a military overthr... ... in the face to Don John. The character Don John is not a very complicated character. He is not a character that gets very much time on the stage either. You cannot deny, however, that he is one of the most evil and twisted characters that Shakespeare has ever come up with. I think that Don John is the perfect villain in every aspect of the word. Works Cited Hunter, G.K.  Ã‚   William Shakespeare: The Later Comedies.  Ã‚   Great Brittian:   Ã‚  Langman's Green & Co. Ltd.  Ã‚   1962 Shakespeare, William.  Ã‚   Much Ado About Nothing.  Ã‚   Cambridge:  Ã‚   At the University Press   Ã‚   1962 Shakespeare, William.  Ã‚   Hamlet.  Ã‚   New York and London:  Ã‚   W.W. Norton & Co., Inc.  Ã‚   1963 Shkespeare, William.  Ã‚   Much Ado About Nothing.  Ã‚   New Haven:  Ã‚   Yale University Press  Ã‚   1917 Spivack, Bernard.  Ã‚   Shakespeare and the Allegory of Evil.  Ã‚   New York:  Ã‚   Columbia University Press  Ã‚   1958

Communication Barrier Essay

Communication is defined as â€Å"an exchange of information.† It involved the transmission of ideas and thoughts. To communicate means that you share with others your concepts, your thoughts and ideas. Most of our time is spent in this mutual relationship by either speaking or listening. This ability to communicate is what makes man the unique creature that he is, with the ability to control and dominate, to build and maintain. Communications is a big thing in America. It is said to be our most vital and largest industry. We are awed by man’s methods of communication. We find them complete in oral, written or visualized form. In spite of this, communication is a big problem in our lives. Because of human nature, certain barriers exist making the communication process either ineffective or impossible. At times we just do not get through to people. This often results in misunderstanding. Many splits in congregations are due to the communications problem. Brethren have trouble talking to each other, they become estranged and some become enemies. Much of this can be eliminated if we understand some of the barriers to our communication. In the discussion that follows, the principal barriers to communicating effectively in today’s working environment are identified, and proven techniques for coping with them are considered. The principal barriers to effective communication are: noise, poor feedback, selection of inappropriate media, a wrong mental attitude, insufficient or lack of attention to work selection, delay in message transmittal, physical separation of the sender and receiver, and lack of empathy or a good relationship between the sender and receiver. Let’s now give four examples of communication barriers and the solution of each one as well. There are many communication barriers that come up during the communication process. First, there are physical distractions that interfere with the effectiveness of a communication attempt. For example, I work at a hardware store and I would be mixing paint for customer while another customer comes up to me and asks where something is located in the store. For this case, it can be many ways. You can ask someone else to attend to the customer, yet still be able to accomplish your job without losing the customer. If the first customer not around, you should attend to the other customer first and go back to your job. Second, we live in a â€Å"verbal† environment. Words constitute the most frequently used tool for communicating. Words usually facilitate communication; however, their careless, improper use in a given situation can create a communication barrier. Arthur Kudner, an advertising executive, once told his son: â€Å"All big things have little names such as life and death, peace and war, or dawn, day, night, hope, love, and home. Learn to use little words in a big way. It is hard to do, but they say what you mean. When you don’t know what you mean – use big words; they often fool little people.† The words we use should be selected carefully. Dr. Rudolph Flesch, a specialist in words and communication, suggests a way to break through the word barrier: use familiar words in place of the unfamiliar, use concrete words in place of the abstract, use short words in place of long and use single words in place of several. Unfortunately, almost every commonly used word has more than one meaning. Also words have regional meanings or derive new meanings as a result of the development of new industries or fields. The meaning conveyed by the sender’s words depends upon the experience and attitude of the receiver. Therefore, one way to penetrate the word barrier is for the sender to strive to speak or write in terms of the receiver’s experience and attitude. The better able he is to do this, the more successful the communication will be. Dr. S. E. Hayakawa, a U.S. Senator from California, expressed it very well when he said, â€Å"The meanings of words are not in the words; they are in us.† Third, the ability to empathize with someone else may not be easy. If you are to see things from another’s viewpoint, you have to put aside your own prejudices and preconceptions. The receiver may be of a different race,  creed, educational background, from a different section of the country, or have a different specialty or rank within the organization. Under these circumstances, the task of empathizing with the other member of the communication link is difficult. The task is further complicated if you believe that understanding another’s viewpoint may pose a threat to your own. To better communicate, we must try to see ourselves through the eyes of others in the communication link. By developing some empathy with the people to whom we will be directing messages, we might recognize the need to modify our messages from time to time before sending them. We should use easy word when we communicate with other people, let everyone understand easily. Not to ward, no technician word that people around the word will be able to follow. The last one, as manager, many communication barriers will turn out as well. Generally, managers make more frequent use of oral, rather than written, communication. However, the media one selects for communication in a particular situation should correlate with the feedback requirements. A communication failure or partial failure could occur if the media you select for transmittal of a message is inappropriate and necessary feedback is not received. Most simple messages can be transmitted orally – either in a face-to-face discussion, formal briefing, or meeting of the staff. More complex messages should be written in a directive, instruction, memorandum, or report. Very complex messages should be transmitted in both oral and written form. Repetition and review of an oral communication in written form can be a facilitating device. So the personal qualities of the manager should be a consideration in the selection. As manager, you should recognize your strengths and limitations. You should evaluate your successes and failures in communication and plan to use the media that best fits your style and qualities. From the above communication barriers and each of solution, we can observe that in today’s world, no matter what the communication barrier is, there is always to the solution over the barrier. It is just a matter of different  approach within you means and ability to execute the solution without losing any clients.